Unlike the recent ostentatious military exercise that the Israeli Air Force (IAF) carried out over eastern Greece - involving over 100 F15 and F16 fighter jets - which was meant to be picked up by Western intelligence agencies and thereby spread Israel's message to the Europeans, the Americans, and the Iranians in particular, that Israel meant business about halting Iran's nuclear program, Friday's tete-a-tete was not meant to hit the headlines.

The Mediterranean exercise also included Israeli helicopters that could be used to rescue downed pilots. The helicopters and refueling tankers flew more than 900 miles, which is about the same distance between Israel and Iran's uranium enrichment plant at Natanz, American officials said.

Apart from sending Iran a very loud message, some experts say that another Israeli objective was to practice flight tactics, aerial refueling and all other details of a possible strike against Iran's nuclear installations and its long-range conventional missiles.

Israeli officials refused to be drawn into debate about the details of the exercise but merely stated that the IAF, "regularly trains for various missions in order to confront and meet the challenges posed by the threats facing Israel."

Despite Olmert going to extraordinary lengths to withhold details of Friday's meeting by not even recording the meeting in his diary, the Israeli media reported that Olmert and Sela had discussed the details of a potential attack against Iranian nuclear facilities.

This followed initial denials from government sources who eventually admitted that the meeting had taken place but went out of their way to downplay the significance of the event although they confirmed that Sela had detailed his vision for a potential military attack on Iran from a technical standpoint.

Sela's expertise includes fathering the technique of refueling warplanes from the air. He had originally been slated for a high-level appointment in the IAF before he was implicated in the Jonathan Pollard spy scandal.

Pollard was a dual American-Israeli citizen and was jailed in the U.S. for espionage after he passed classified American intelligence information on to Israel.

Prior to last week's military dummy-run over the Mediterranean, Israel appeared to be giving out mixed signals regarding an impending attack on Iran.

While Olmert vowed during Israel's passover that Iran would not turn nuclear and several weeks ago Israeli Transport Minister Shaul Mofaz stirred up a hornet's nest when he stated that, "If Iran continues with its program for developing nuclear weapons, we will attack," other Israeli officials attempted to make soothing noises.

Mofaz was criticized by other Israeli politicians as seeking to enhance his own standing as questions mount about whether the embattled Olmert can hang on to power, while other officials told the Americans that Mofaz's statement did not represent official policy.

However, the same officials also explained that Israel was preparing plans for a strike on Iran and would carry them out in the event of diplomacy failing.

And Iran appeared to be getting the message loudly and clearly as it beefed up its air defenses over the last couple of weeks and went as far as to intercept and double-check an Iraqi civilian flight on its way to Tehran from Baghdad.

Israel is of the firm belief that Iran is approximately two years away from developing the technology that would enable it to develop nuclear weapons.

This is contrary to last December's U.S. National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iran which assessed that Iran had ceased is nuclear weapons program.

The Israelis were visibly dismayed by this assessment and Olmert followed up the NIE's report with a quick visit to Washington where he outlined Israel's concerns and attempted to override the view of America's intelligence agencies with the Jewish state's perspective.

Furthermore, during U.S. President George W. Bush's recent visit to Israel the subject was again broached by Olmert, who this time provided Bush with alleged evidence to support Israel's conviction that not only was Iran a big threat but a far more immediate threat than envisioned.

Bush promised that he would discuss Israel's concerns with his intelligence agencies on his return to the United States.

Many analysts are now commenting that it is not a question of if, in regard to an Israeli offensive operation against Iran, but when.

However, even if Israel does strike, the chances of it successfully eliminating Iran's alleged nuclear program is highly questionable with experts arguing that at best an attack would delay or minimize the program only.

Much of Iran's nuclear program's infrastructure is buried under earth and concrete and installed in long tunnels or hallways, making precise targeting difficult. There is also concern that not all of the facilities have been detected. To inflict maximum damage, multiple attacks might be necessary, which may be beyond Israel's ability at this time.

Israeli officials have countered that waiting itself is an error and that if immediate action is not taken then it may be too late to halt the advancement required to enrich sufficient amounts of uranium required for nuclear weapons.

However, an Israeli doctor of political science from Jerusalem's Hebrew University told The Middle East Times that Iran would strike back heavily if attacked, but it was unlikely that Iran would strike first as it had the option of closing the Straits of Hormuz, thereby choking the West's supply of oil as leverage, without having to resort to military action.